Many key figures, Northern Alliance commanders in particular, whose support was seen as critical to the success of any new government, chose to remain in Afghanistan to consolidate gains on the ground rather than travel to Bonn to participate in the talks. For a full list of the delegates in Bonn click here

Karim Khalili His oriental features are an immediate reminder of Mr Kalili's linkage to Afghanistan's Hazara community, the descendants of Genghis Khan. However, the Hazara, a community of Shia Muslims, were widely persecuted during the rule of the Taliban.

Now, as leader of a community which has joined Afghanistan's newly victorious forces known as the United Front, Mr Khalili expects to be backed by predominantly Shia Iran.

However, he may not be satisfied with a power-sharing agreement. While the Hazara want as many as 20 per cent of the seats in a future government, their opponents say the Hazara number no more than 10-12 per cent of the population. Independent estimates place them at 15 per cent.

Abdul Rashid Dostum General Dostum is among the few Afghans who rose to power during the occupation of the country by the Soviet Union and survived to dominate the political scene afterwards. Known as a ruthless fighter and tactician, Gen Dostum's power is mainly derived from the ranks of his Uzbek fighters, descendants of migrants from the neighbouring central Asian republic of Uzbekistan.

During the years prior to the Taliban invasion of Mazar-e-Sharif, Gen Dostum occupied the region and established a government which had its own airline and currency.

Now, closely backed by the US military in its campaign to remove the Taliban, Gen Dostum has re-emerged as a power broker after spending almost three years in exile in Uzbekistan and Turkey.

Ismail Khan Leader of Northern Alliance forces in western Afghanistan, Ismail Khan can now lay claim to being its most renowned military commander following the assassination of Ahmed Shah Masood in September.

Ismail Khan - his nom de guerre - was trained in Kabul's military academy and served in the pro-Soviet army in the 1970s. But in March 1979 he joined a rebellion in his hometown of Herat against occupying Soviet troops.

After 13 years leading mujahideen forces he returned to Herat as governor in 1992, serving for three years until he lost the city to the Taliban. He was later imprisoned for four years, but escaped.

He commands great loyalty from fellow Sunni Tajik troops, who call him "emir of Herat", but is viewed with suspicion by the city's large Shia Muslim community who have been denied any top posts since the Taliban fled on November 12. He lays claim to being a liberal, allowing the education of girls and speaking of future elections for city officials.

Ismail Khan, who enjoys close ties to Iran, says he is committed to promoting a multi-ethnic government in Kabul, but his actions so far indicate he intends to keep firm control over his fiefdom in the west.

Ex-King Mohammad Zahir Shah The former king has long been the joker in the Afghan political pack. His card was fruitlessly played before in 1992 when the UN tried to broker a political settlement following the fall of President Najibullah's regime. But many observers believe the former king could still play an important, if largely symbolic, role in legitimising the Bonn political process.

According to one diplomat: "There is a reservoir of affection for the king. He is associated with a period when Afghanistan was in a far happier state than now."

But his 40-year rule was dominated by two regents and his cousin Mohammad Daoud, who ousted the king. Since 1973 the king has lived in exile in Rome.

Pir Sayed Gailani The main player in the so-called Peshawar group, Pir Sayed Ahmad Gailani is a respected, well-connected and suave Pashtun leader, who has big ambitions both for his country and himself. During the struggle against Soviet occupation, Mr Gailani was known as one of the more moderate mujahideen commanders. Although his fighters fought fiercely in Afghanistan, they clearly enjoyed the good life, too, becoming known as the Gucci guerrillas.

Closely linked with the former king Zahir Shah by political conviction and family relations, Mr Gailani has presented himself as a leader of mainstream Pashtun opinion. Last month he organised a jirga (council) of 1,000 Afghan leaders in Peshawar in an attempt to draw diverse ethnic groups into the political fold. But his Pakistan-backed initiative, which failed to win backing from the Northern Alliance, has since lost momentum.

James Dobbins The US special envoy to Afghanistan is not just one of the most senior diplomats in the State Department - he is also seen as one of the toughest.

His involvement in Afghanistan, which has taken him thousands of miles in a C-17 military transport aircraft in around central Asia ahead of the Bonn meeting, fits into a pattern of uncomfortable assignments.

He was trouble-shooter in a series of diplomatically sensitive crises, including the US withdrawal from Somalia in 1993-94 and the intervention in Haiti in 1994-96. He was also the top US diplomat in Bosnia and special adviser to President Bill Clinton throughout the Kosovo crisis in 1999.

He earned a reputation as a man who does not suffer fools gladly, whether among his colleagues or on the opposite side of the negotiating table.

Mr Dobbins has also been a top diplomat dealing with the European Union, including a stint in Brussels as ambassador from 1991-93.